mercredi 1 avril 2009
ROMAN
(Appelez-moi Arthur...)
Il était déjà vieux malgré ses dix-sept ans.
- Un beau soir, loin des docks et de la triste rade,
Des marées de noirceur aux embruns chélatants !
- Il cueillit les glaïeuls en guise d’escapade.
Les glaïeuls sont des ponts qui défont le destin !
L’amer coulait si doux qu’il partit en prière ;
Le temps chargé de pluie – l'hiver eut son festin –
Fut la poix de sa vie puis le bois de sa bière…
[...]
mercredi 5 novembre 2008
Timeless creed
[...]
This election had many firsts and many stories that will be told for generations. But one that's on my mind tonight's about a woman who cast her ballot in Atlanta. She's a lot like the millions of others who stood in line to make their voice heard in this election except for one thing: Ann Nixon Cooper is 106 years old.
She was born just a generation past slavery, a time when there were no cars on the road or planes in the sky, when someone like her couldn't vote for two reasons -- because she was a woman and because of the color of her skin.
And tonight, I think about all that she's seen throughout her century in America -- the heartache and the hope; the struggle and the progress; the times we were told that we can't, and the people who pressed on with that American creed: Yes, we can.
At a time when women's voices were silenced and their hopes dismissed, she lived to see them stand up and speak out and reach for the ballot. Yes, we can.
When there was despair in the Dust Bowl and depression across the land, she saw a nation conquer fear itself with a New Deal, new jobs, a new sense of common purpose. Yes, we can.
When the bombs fell on our harbor and tyranny threatened the world, she was there to witness a generation rise to greatness and a democracy was saved. Yes, we can.
She was there for the buses in Montgomery, the hoses in Birmingham, a bridge in Selma, and a preacher from Atlanta who told a people that "we shall overcome." Yes, we can.
A man touched down on the moon, a wall came down in Berlin, a world was connected by our own science and imagination.
And this year, in this election, she touched her finger to a screen, and cast her vote, because after 106 years in America, through the best of times and the darkest of hours, she knows how America can change. Yes, we can.
America, we have come so far. We have seen so much. But there is so much more to do. So tonight, let us ask ourselves -- if our children should live to see the next century; if my daughters should be so lucky to live as long as Ann Nixon Cooper, what change will they see? What progress will we have made?
This is our chance to answer that call. This is our moment.
This is our time, to put our people back to work and open doors of opportunity for our kids; to restore prosperity and promote the cause of peace; to reclaim the American dream and reaffirm that fundamental truth, that out of many, we are one; that while we breathe, we hope. And where we are met with cynicism and doubts and those who tell us that we can't, we will respond with that timeless creed that sums up the spirit of a people: Yes, we can.
[Nov. 5, 2008]
lundi 3 novembre 2008
Tom Joad
Tom Joad got out of the old McAlester Pen;
There he got his parole.
After four long years on a man killing charge,
Tom Joad come a-walkin' down the road, poor boy,
Tom Joad come a-walkin' down the road.
Tom Joad, he met a truck driving man;
There he caught him a ride.
He said, "I just got loose from McAlester Pen
On a charge called homicide,
A charge called homicide."
That truck rolled away in a cloud of dust;
Tommy turned his face toward home.
He met Preacher Casey, and they had a little drink,
But they found that his family they was gone,
He found that his family they was gone.
He found his mother's old fashion shoe,
Found his daddy's hat.
And he found little Muley and Muley said,
"They've been tractored out by the cats,
They've been tractored out by the cats."
Tom Joad walked down to the neighbor's farm,
Found his family.
They took Preacher Casey and loaded in a car,
And his mother said, "We've got to get away."
His mother said, "We've got to get away."
Now, the twelve of the Joads made a mighty heavy load;
But Grandpa Joad did cry.
He picked up a handful of land in his hand,
Said: "I'm stayin' with the farm till I die.
Yes, I'm stayin' with the farm till I die."
They fed him short ribs and coffee and soothing syrup;
And Grandpa Joad did die.
They buried Grandpa Joad by the side of the road,
Grandma on the California side,
They buried Grandma on the California side.
They stood on a mountain and they looked to the west,
And it looked like the promised land.
That bright green valley with a river running through,
There was work for every single hand, they thought,
There was work for every single hand.
The Joads rolled away to the jungle camp,
There they cooked a stew.
And the hungry little kids of the jungle camp
Said: "We'd like to have some, too."
Said: "We'd like to have some, too."
Now a deputy sheriff fired loose at a man,
Shot a woman in the back.
Before he could take his aim again,
Preacher Casey dropped him in his track, poor boy,
Preacher Casey dropped him in his track.
They handcuffed Casey and they took him in jail;
And then he got away.
And he met Tom Joad on the old river bridge,
And these few words he did say, poor boy,
These few words he did say.
"I preached for the Lord a mighty long time,
Preached about the rich and the poor.
Us workin' folkses, all get together,
'Cause we ain't got a chance anymore.
We ain't got a chance anymore."
Now, the deputies come, and Tom and Casey run
To the bridge where the water run down.
But the vigilante thugs hit Casey with a club,
They laid Preacher Casey on the ground, poor Casey,
They laid Preacher Casey on the ground.
Tom Joad, he grabbed that deputy's club,
Hit him over the head.
Tom Joad took flight in the dark rainy night,
And a deputy and a preacher lying dead, two men,
A deputy and a preacher lying dead.
Tom run back where his mother was asleep;
He woke her up out of bed.
An' he kissed goodbye to the mother that he loved,
Said what Preacher Casey said, Tom Joad,
He said what Preacher Casey said.
"Ever'body might be just one big soul,
Well it looks that a-way to me.
Everywhere that you look, in the day or night,
That's where I'm a-gonna be, Ma,
That's where I'm a-gonna be.
Wherever little children are hungry and cry,
Wherever people ain't free.
Wherever men are fightin' for their rights,
That's where I'm a-gonna be, Ma.
That's where I'm a-gonna be."
(in Dust Bowl Ballads, 1940)
[Photos: The Grapes of Wrath, John Ford, 1940]
jeudi 4 septembre 2008
Les écoliers
Sur la route couleur de sable
En capuchon noir et pointu,
Le « moyen » le « bon » le « passable »
Vont, à galoches que veux-tu
Vers leur école intarissable.
Ils ont dans leur plumier des gommes
Et des hannetons du matin,
Dans leurs poches, du pain, des pommes,
Des billes, ô précieux butin
Gagné sur d'autres petits hommes.
Ils ont la ruse et la paresse
- Mais 1’innocence et la fraîcheur -
Près d'eux les filles ont des tresses
Et des yeux bleus couleur de fleur
Et de vraies fleurs pour la maîtresse.
Puis, les voilà tous à s'asseoir
Dans l'école crépie de lune,
On les enferme jusqu'au soir
Jusqu’à ce qu'il leur pousse plume
Pour s'envoler. Après, bonsoir !
dimanche 10 août 2008
"I Have a Dream" (+ trad.)
(Vidéo du discours plus bas)
Pour lire le discours intégral et sa traduction,
cliquez sur le sigle :
August 28, 1963, Lincoln Memorial, Washington DC.
[...]
Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.
And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.
I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.
I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.
I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.
This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.
With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.
And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:
My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.
Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,
From every mountainside, let freedom ring!
And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.
And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.
Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.
Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.
Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.
Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.
But not only that:
Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.
Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.
Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.
From every mountainside, let freedom ring.
And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:
Free at last! Free at last!
Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!
- - - - - - -
Le discours dans son intégralité :
samedi 9 août 2008
Discours pour l'abolition de la peine de mort
Consulter le dossier sur l'abolition de la peine de mort en France : le site du Sénat
(Lien vers la vidéo des débats plus bas)
Pour lire le discours de R. Badinter en entier,
cliquez sur le dessin :
(Dessin : Pancho pour Charlie Hebdo)
Le 17 septembre 1981
[…] Monsieur le président, mesdames, messieurs les députés, j'ai l'honneur au nom du Gouvernement de la République, de demander à l'Assemblée nationale l'abolition de la peine de mort en France. […]
Rien n'a été fait pendant les années écoulées pour éclairer cette opinion publique. Au contraire ! On a refusé l'expérience des pays abolitionnistes ; on ne s'est jamais interrogé sur le fait essentiel que les grandes démocraties occidentales, nos proches, nos sœurs, nos voisines, pouvaient vivre sans la peine de mort. On a négligé les études conduites par toutes les grandes organisations internationales, tels le Conseil de l'Europe, le Parlement européen, les Nations unies elles-mêmes dans le cadre du comité d'études contre le crime. On a occulté leurs constantes conclusions. Il n'a jamais, jamais été établi une corrélation quelconque entre la présence ou l'absence de la peine de mort dans une législation pénale et la courbe de la criminalité sanglante. On a, par contre, au lieu de révéler et de souligner ces évidences, entretenu l'angoisse, stimulé la peur, favorisé la confusion. On a bloqué le phare sur l'accroissement indiscutable, douloureux, et auquel il faudra faire face, mais qui est lié à des conjonctures économiques et sociales, de la petite et moyenne délinquance de violence, celle qui, de toute façon, n'a jamais relevé de la peine de mort. Mais tous les esprits loyaux s'accordent sur le fait qu'en France la criminalité sanglante n'a jamais varié – et même, compte tenu du nombre d'habitants, tend plutôt à stagner ; on s'est tu. En un mot, s'agissant de l'opinion, parce qu'on pensait aux suffrages, on a attisé l'angoisse collective et on a refusé à l'opinion publique les défenses de la raison. […]
En vérité, la question de la peine de mort est simple pour qui veut l'analyser avec lucidité. Elle ne se pose pas en termes de dissuasion, ni même de technique répressive, mais en termes de choix politique ou de choix moral.
Je l'ai déjà dit, mais je le répète volontiers au regard du grand silence antérieur : le seul résultat auquel ont conduit toutes les recherches menées par les criminologues est la constatation de l'absence de lien entre la peine de mort et l'évolution de la criminalité sanglante. Je rappelle encore à cet égard les travaux du Conseil de l'Europe de 1962 ; le Livre blanc anglais, prudente recherche menée à travers tous les pays abolitionnistes avant que les Anglais ne se décident à abolir la peine de mort et ne refusent depuis lors, par deux fois, de la rétablir ; le Livre blanc canadien, qui a procédé selon la même méthode ; les travaux conduits par le comité pour la prévention du crime créé par l'O.N.U., dont les derniers textes ont été élaborés l'année dernière à Caracas ; enfin, les travaux conduits par le Parlement européen, […], et qui ont abouti à ce vote essentiel par lequel cette assemblée, au nom de l'Europe qu'elle représente, de l'Europe occidentale bien sûr, s'est prononcée à une écrasante majorité pour que la peine de mort disparaisse de l'Europe. Tous, tous se rejoignent sur la conclusion que j'évoquais.
Il n'est pas difficile d'ailleurs, pour qui veut s'interroger loyalement, de comprendre pourquoi il n'y a pas entre la peine de mort et l'évolution de la criminalité sanglante ce rapport dissuasif que l'on s'est si souvent appliqué à chercher sans trouver sa source ailleurs, et j'y reviendrai dans un instant. Si vous y réfléchissez simplement, les crimes les plus terribles, ceux qui saisissent le plus la sensibilité publique – et on le comprend – ceux qu'on appelle les crimes atroces sont commis le plus souvent par des hommes emportés par une pulsion de violence et de mort qui abolit jusqu'aux défenses de la raison. A cet instant de folie, à cet instant de passion meurtrière, l'évocation de la peine, qu'elle soit de mort ou qu'elle soit perpétuelle, ne trouve pas sa place chez l'homme qui tue. […]
Il s'agit bien, en définitive, dans l'abolition, d'un choix fondamental, d'une certaine conception de l'homme et de la justice. Ceux qui veulent une justice qui tue, ceux-là sont animés par une double conviction : qu'il existe des hommes totalement coupables, c'est-à-dire des hommes totalement responsables de leurs actes, et qu'il peut y avoir une justice sûre de son infaillibilité au point de dire que celui-là peut vivre et que celui-là doit mourir.
A cet âge de ma vie, l'une et l'autre affirmations me paraissent également erronées. Aussi terribles, aussi odieux que soient leurs actes, il n'est point d'hommes en cette terre dont la culpabilité soit totale et dont il faille pour toujours désespérer totalement. Aussi prudente que soit la justice, aussi mesurés et angoissés que soient les femmes et les hommes qui jugent, la justice demeure humaine, donc faillible. […]
Demain, grâce à vous la justice française ne sera plus une justice qui tue. Demain, grâce à vous, il n'y aura plus, pour notre honte commune, d'exécutions furtives, à l'aube, sous le dais noir, dans les prisons françaises. Demain, les pages sanglantes de notre justice seront tournées.
A cet instant plus qu'à aucun autre, j'ai le sentiment d'assumer mon ministère, au sens ancien, au sens noble, le plus noble qui soit, c'est-à-dire au sens de "service". Demain, vous voterez l'abolition de la peine de mort. Législateur français, de tout mon cœur, je vous en remercie.
- - - - - - -
Voir la vidéo des débats en entier, sur le site de l'INA
vendredi 8 août 2008
Nobel Peace Prize Acceptance Speech (+ trad.)
Tenzin Gyatso (14e Dalai Lama), b. 1935
Le 10 décembre 1989, le 14e Dalaï Lama reçoit le prix Nobel de la Paix à Oslo. Voici un large extrait de son discours.
(Traductions en français plus bas)
Pour lire le discours dans son intégralité,
cliquez sur la photo :
(Photo Reuters : Manifestations à Dharamsala, Inde, mars 2008)
Your Majesty, Members of the Nobel Committee, Brothers and Sisters:
I am very happy to be here with you today to receive the Nobel Prize for Peace. I feel honoured, humbled and deeply moved that you should give this important prize to a simple monk from Tibet. I am no one special. But, I believe the prize is a recognition of the true values of altruism, love, compassion and nonviolence which I try to practise, in accordance with the teachings of the Buddha and the great sages of India and Tibet.
I accept the prize with profound gratitude on behalf of the oppressed everywhere and for all those who struggle for freedom and work for world peace. I accept it as a tribute to the man who founded the modern tradition of nonviolent action for change - Mahatma Gandhi - whose life taught and inspired me. And, of course, I accept it on behalf of the six million Tibetan people, my brave countrymen and women inside Tibet, who have suffered and continue to suffer so much. They confront a calculated and systematic strategy aimed at the destruction of their national and cultural identities. The prize reaffirms our conviction that with truth, courage and determination as our weapons, Tibet will be liberated.
No matter what part of the world we come from, we are all basically the same human beings. We all seek happiness and try to avoid suffering. We have the same basic human needs and concerns. All of us human beings want freedom and the right to determine our own destiny as individuals and as peoples. That is human nature. The great changes that are taking place everywhere in the world, from Eastern Europe to Africa, are a clear indication of this.
In China the popular movement for democracy was crushed by brutal force in June this year. But I do not believe the demonstrations were in vain, because the spirit of freedom was rekindled among the Chinese people and China cannot escape the impact of this spirit of freedom sweeping many parts of the world. The brave students and their supporters showed the Chinese leadership and the world the human face of that great nation.
Last week a number of Tibetans were once again sentenced to prison terms of up to nineteen years at a mass show trial, possibly intended to frighten the population before today's event. Their only "crime" was the expression of the widespread desire of Tibetans for the restoration of their beloved country's independence.
The suffering of our people during the past forty years of occupation is well documented. Ours has been a long struggle. We know our cause is just. Because violence can only breed more violence and suffering, our struggle must remain nonviolent and free of hatred. We are trying to end the suffering of our people, not to inflict suffering upon others.
It is with this in mind that I proposed negotiations between Tibet and China on numerous occasions. In 1987, I made specific proposals in a five-point plan for the restoration of peace and human rights in Tibet. This included the conversion of the entire Tibetan plateau into a Zone of Ahimsa, a sanctuary of peace and nonviolence where human beings and nature can live in peace and harmony.
Last year, I elaborated on that plan in Strasbourg, at the European Parliament. I believe the ideas I expressed on those occasions are both realistic and reasonable, although they have been criticised by some of my people as being too conciliatory. Unfortunately, China's leaders have not responded positively to the suggestions we have made, which included important concessions. If this continues we will be compelled to reconsider our position.
Any relationship between Tibet and China will have to be based on the principle of equality, respect, trust and mutual benefit. It will also have to be based on the principle which the wise rulers of Tibet and of China laid down in a treaty as early as 823 A.D., carved on the pillar which still stands today in front of the Jo-khang, Tibet's holiest shrine, in Lhasa, that "Tibetans will live happily in the great land of Tibet, and the Chinese will live happily in the great land of China".
[...]
I pray for all of us, oppressor and friend, that together we succeed in building a better world through human understanding and love, and that in doing so we may reduce the pain and suffering of all sentient beings.
Thank you.
- - - - - - - - - -
Traduction personnelle : ICI (indulgence quant aux inexactitudes)
Un lien vers ce qui est présenté comme le discours d'acceptation en français, mais qui ne correspond pas à une traduction de la version publiée dans les archives du Nobel Prize : ICI
jeudi 7 août 2008
"Ich bin ein Berliner" Speech (+ trad.)
John Fitzgerald Kennedy, 1917-1963
(Vidéo plus bas)
Pour lire la traduction* d'extraits en français,
cliquez sur la photo :
(Chute du Mur de Berlin, Nov. 1989)
June 26, 1963 - West Berlin
I am proud to come to this city as the guest of your distinguished Mayor, who has symbolized throughout the world the fighting spirit of West Berlin. And I am proud to visit the Federal Republic with your distinguished Chancellor who for so many years has committed Germany to democracy and freedom and progress, and to come here in the company of my fellow American, General Clay, who has been in this city during its great moments of crisis and will come again if ever needed.
Two thousand years ago, two thousand years ago, the proudest boast was "civis Romanus sum." Today, in the world of freedom, the proudest boast is "Ich bin ein Berliner." (I appreciate my interpreter translating my German.)
There are many people in the world who really don't understand, or say they don't, what is the great issue between the free world and the Communist world. Let them come to Berlin. There are some who say that communism is the wave of the future. Let them come to Berlin. And there are some who say, in Europe and elsewhere, we can work with the Communists. Let them come to Berlin.
And there are even a few who say that it is true that communism is an evil system, but it permits us to make economic progress. Laß' sie nach Berlin kommen. Let them come to Berlin.
Freedom has many difficulties and democracy is not perfect. But we have never had to put a wall up to keep our people in to prevent them from leaving us. I want to say on behalf of my countrymen who live many miles away on the other side of the Atlantic, who are far distant from you, that they take the greatest pride, that they have been able to share with you, even from a distance, the story of the last 18 years. I know of no town, no city, that has been besieged for 18 years that still lives with the vitality and the force, and the hope, and the determination of the city of West Berlin.
While the wall is the most obvious and vivid demonstration of the failures of the Communist system for all the world to see we take no satisfaction in it for it is, as your Mayor has said, an offense not only against history but an offense against humanity, separating families, dividing husbands and wives and brothers and sisters, and dividing a people who wish to be joined together.
What is true of this city is true of Germany: Real, lasting peace in Europe can never be assured as long as one German out of four is denied the elementary right of free men, and that is to make a free choice. In 18 years of peace and good faith, this generation of Germans has earned the right to be free, including the right to unite their families and their nation in lasting peace, with good will to all people.
You live in a defended island of freedom, but your life is part of the main. So let me ask you, as I close, to lift your eyes beyond the dangers of today, to the hopes of tomorrow, beyond the freedom merely of this city of Berlin, or your country of Germany, to the advance of freedom everywhere, beyond the wall to the day of peace with justice, beyond yourselves and ourselves to all mankind.
Freedom is indivisible, and when one man is enslaved, all are not free. When all are free, then we can look forward to that day when this city will be joined as one and this country and this great Continent of Europe in a peaceful and hopeful globe. When that day finally comes, as it will, the people of West Berlin can take sober satisfaction in the fact that they were in the front lines for almost two decades.
All free men, wherever they may live, are citizens of Berlin.
And, therefore, as a free man, I take pride in the words "Ich bin ein Berliner."
*d'après une traduction anonyme trouvée sur plusieurs sites.
Ecouter JF Kennedy :
mercredi 6 août 2008
"It is an ideal for which I am prepared to die" Speech (+ trad.)
En 1962, N. Mandela est arrêté par la police sud-africaine pour son opposition au gouvernement blanc et sa politique de discrimination raciale, politique et économique, l'apartheid (= régime de séparation). En 1964, il est accusé en sus de sabotage, haute trahison et conspiration pour renverser le gouvernement. Le document qui suit est un extrait (la fin) de son allocution à la barre des accusés lors du procès de 1964.
(Intégralité du discours : plus bas.)
Pour lire la traduction* en français de l'extrait,
cliquez sur la photo :
(Libération de Mandela, London Herald, 2/2/90)
April 20, 1964
[...] Africans want to be paid a living wage. Africans want to perform work which they are capable of doing, and not work which the Government declares them to be capable of. Africans want to be allowed to live where they obtain work, and not be endorsed out of an area because they were not born there. Africans want to be allowed to own land in places where they work, and not to be obliged to live in rented houses which they can never call their own. Africans want to be part of the general population, and not confined to living in their own ghettoes. African men want to have their wives and children to live with them where they work, and not be forced into an unnatural existence in men's hostels. African women want to be with their menfolk and not be left permanently widowed in the Reserves. Africans want to be allowed out after eleven o'clock at night and not to be confined to their rooms like little children. Africans want to be allowed to travel in their own country and to seek work where they want to and not where the Labor Bureau tells them to. Africans want a just share in the whole of South Africa; they want security and a stake in society.
Above all, we want equal political rights, because without them our disabilities will be permanent. I know this sounds revolutionary to the whites in this country, because the majority of voters will be Africans. This makes the white man fear democracy.
But this fear cannot be allowed to stand in the way of the only solution which will guarantee racial harmony and freedom for all. It is not true that the enfranchisement of all will result in racial domination. Political division, based on color, is entirely artificial and, when it disappears, so will the domination of one color group by another. The ANC has spent half a century fighting against racialism. When it triumphs it will not change that policy.
This then is what the ANC is fighting. Their struggle is a truly national one. It is a struggle of the African people, inspired by their own suffering and their own experience. It is a struggle for the right to live.
During my lifetime I have dedicated myself to this struggle of the African people. I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for and to achieve. But if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die.
A l'issue du procès, il est reconnu coupable de toutes les charges présentées contre lui et condamné à la prison à perpétuité.
- - - - - - - - - -
L'intégralité du discours : ICI
*Traduction personnelle de l'extrait proposé (indulgence pour les inexactitudes s'il vous plaît)
jeudi 31 juillet 2008
Dancing in the dark
Fred Astaire et Cyd Charisse
(Band Wagon / Tous en scène, Vincente Minnelli, 1953)
